“Free Will” by Sam Harris

“Free Will”, by Sam Harris, contends that free will as we commonly understand it is an illusion. There is a large and growing literature that demonstrates that we make decisions before we are actually aware of them. He cites several experiments with human subjects showing that certain brain centers are activated early enough to permit experimenters to predict decisions before the subjects themselves are aware of them. Depending on the exact setup, the time lag can be several seconds to several tenths of a second. This is disquieting to the subjects themselves; they are invariably surprised, because most people feel in control of their decisions. Of course, nobody else is in control of these decisions, but large parts of the decision-making process are unconscious, and by the time we become aware of the final decision, it is already made by our unconscious mind. Given that, what level of responsibility do we really have for our decisions?

I think part of our tendency to confusion here is the meaning of the word “we” in the previous sentence. We have an inherently dualistic notion of ourselves – our minds we identify with our consciousness, and we assume everybody else does the same. The conscious self seems to us to contemplate both itself and the body that contains it. And yet we know from science that both are part of our body and its active processes. Those who deny this may believe in a soul or a spirit, but that still does not relieve them of the problem that decisions are made by their brains without their knowledge. So how can we assign responsibility to ourselves and others, when everybody’s decisions are given by the unconscious?

For Harris, moral responsibility still resides with the individual who makes decisions, be they good or bad by their own lights or in the opinion of others. Only the degree to which we feel that individuals are blameworthy changes. This follows when we recognize that so much of what people do is determined by antecedent processes, many of which are hidden from our consciousness, sometimes never to be revealed. Harris discusses this with some intriguing hypothetical cases. Consider for example two situations: a boy of five finds a loaded gun in a drawer and accidentally kills a young girl with it. Here we cannot blame the boy at all, but the person who left the gun loaded and insecure. Next consider a young man who shoots and kills a girl “because he felt like it.” He is very culpable. But suppose it turns out he had a brain tumor that likely made him behave this way. Then his culpability is less. In all these cases we make different estimates of culpability even though the basic facts are the same. Harris is arguing that our condemnation of the healthy young man will be less intense once we understand that he too is the product of forces beyond his own control.

Others, like the philosophers Eddy Nahmias or AC Grayling, feel that free will is fundamental to morality and our system of justice. Nahmias resists the idea that the scientific results really undermine free will. He argues that they are telling us in part how our minds work. In other words, Nahmias thinks free will has not really been falsified by the evidence. Harris thinks that the free will Nahmias believes in is not what most people understand by the term.

Harris argues that what most people understand by “free will” is that, faced with a decision, we could choose freely to follow one or more courses of action. The objection to this conventional view is that the decision we make is completely determined by the mental state we are in before we become conscious of the decision. Thus, the conscious “we” are not really free to make a different decision than the one we make. Most people are assaulted by conflicting desires, and he asks rhetorically, “Where is the freedom when one of these opposing desires inexplicably triumphs over its rival?” Here is another of his remarks: “Am I free to do that which does not occur to me to do? Of course not.” Harris manfully quotes his critics, who claim that even if some of our thinking is unconscious, it is still ours, and so we are responsible for the results. But this, he says, is really redefining free will, so that it no longer means what we feel that it means, that we are in charge of a stream of thoughts. In essence, the idea that free will is compatible with determinism entails assuming responsibility not only for our unconscious deliberations, but also for the bacteria inside us, or the obscure machinations of our bodily physiology.

According to Harris, operationally we still have grounds for law and for the more informal modes of regulating the behavior of individuals in society. What disbelief in free will does is take away the intensity of moral condemnation, replacing that with a consciousness that what people do is a consequence of their prior experience and genetic makeup.

 

Free Will, by Sam Harris

Free Press, 2012

AC Grayling’s “The God Argument”

The philosopher A.C. Grayling is a Master and Supernumerary Fellow at the University of Oxford. He presents in “The God Argument,” in a few short chapters, many of the arguments that philosophers have used to prove the existence of gods, following each with a critical analysis, and often a critical analysis of counter-arguments, dealing with each in turn. He then turns to one reproach of religious critiques of atheism, the idea that religion is necessary for morality, by proposing humanism as an alternative.

Broadly speaking, Grayling writes, arguments for a belief in gods generally are not the reason people believe in gods. Instead, belief in gods comes first, and it is only to support this belief that appeals to reason are made. Thus, all the arguments for gods are post-hoc rationalizations.

In the first half of the book, after several chapters of introduction, Grayling groups related theistic arguments in separate chapters, dealing in turn with arguments by design, arguments by definition, arguments about causes, wagers, and morals, and finishing up with creationism and intelligent design, which are popular variants of the arguments by design.

The argument from design’s most famous proponent was William Paley (Natural Theology, 1802) who argued by analogy from the following hypothetical example: suppose you find a watch while out for a walk. On picking it up, examining it thoroughly and learning its mechanism, you would certainly conclude that somebody had designed it. Likewise, if you contemplate the things you find in the natural world, such as animals and plants, and coming to learn something about the adaptation of structure to function, you similarly conclude that they must have been designed. Hence there must have been a designer. There are two big flaws with this. One is that it begs the question of where the designer came from, and the other is that in principle there could be another reason for the apparent design we find in nature. Despite these problems, sensible men of Paley’s time accepted his view because nobody had a different proposal for how this apparent design in organisms could arise. Today the situation is quite otherwise, as Darwin and Wallace first showed in the middle of the 19th century and as countless scientists have elaborated in detail ever since. Design in nature is the result of natural selection. So the argument from design fails today because it is only an analogy and there is a rational alternative to the designer model with plenty of evidence supporting it.

Arguments by definition are essentially exercises in the concealment of conclusions in the premises of logical argument. Grayling exposes many of these, from St Anselm down, deftly. The most difficult one, for me at least, was the argument recently made by Alvin Plantinga, which merely attempts to show that a belief in god is not irrational. It goes something like this: “There is a possible world in which something exists that is the greatest thing there can ever be (a thing that has maximal greatness). Therefore there is such a thing. And then Plantinga says this thing is god…” Grayling says that another approach to this style of reasoning is to say that “there is a possible world in which there is a necessarily existing x; and therefore x exists. And as with the ‘greatest thing’ in Plantinga’s version, this necessarily existing thing is identified as a god.” Grayling says that neither of these arguments works. “Here is the explanation: anything which is possible exists, by definition, in at least one possible world. If it is possible that there is a necessary x, then there is at least one world in which x exists necessarily. But if x is a necessary being – if it must exist and cannot do other than exist- it must exist in every possible world, including the actual world. Therefore if it is possible that there is a necessary x, there is actually a necessary x.” Grayling points out that “with equal plausibility it can be claimed that ‘there is a possible world in which nothing exists necessarily’ which means ‘there is a possible world in which everything is contingent’ – and if this is possible…then it follows that nothing is necessary, because only if it is not possible for there to be a world in which nothing is necessary can there be any necessarily existing thing – for remember: such a thing would have to exist in every possible world.” (The italics are in the original text.) This is the hardest part of the book! I cannot make it easier, but it does not matter: Grayling later points out that Plantinga has abandoned this argument in favor of just claiming that a belief in god is a basic belief (for example “the past exists” is a basic belief), and that if you do not believe in god, there is something wrong with your sense of the divine. To Grayling, with this assertion Plantinga has moved into a position of complete intellectual irresponsibility.

Grayling then goes on to dispose of Pascal’s wager, the idea that even if there is a low probability that god exists, the consequences of being mistaken about it are so serious that it makes more sense to believe. Apart from being a bit too calculating for some, this has too many hidden assumptions to be taken seriously. As for creationism and intelligent design, Grayling disposes of these with arguments that are familiar to most who have read any biological science. Proponents of these theories introduce unnecessary postulates to explain natural phenomena.

Grayling along the way points out that a huge proportion of people on the earth do not believe in any religion – including almost all the Chinese. This proves that religion is not hard-wired in human beings.

The second half of the book is devoted to humanism, a candidate to replace religion as an organizing principle for society. He points out the need to distinguish among three ongoing discussions: the theism-atheism debate; the secularism-theocracy debate; and the discussion about ethics and morality. The first part of the book deals with theism; the second deals with the other two. It is worth noting that secularism is not necessarily humanist, but could be religious. After all, the goal of secularism is to prevent one religion from taking over the state – something that the non-favored religions would have a strong interest in preventing. Freedom of religion also means freedom from religion, in Grayling’s view.

The main thrust of the second part of the book is humanism, considered as an alternative to a religion-based system of morality. A very attractive aspect of Grayling’s humanism is that it has just two explicit tenets coupled with a willingness to let rational discussion evolve over time. The first is that we do not need religion to have morality, and the second is that each of us is responsible for thinking about morality on our own. Unlike the anti-religious movements of the past, Grayling’s version of humanism does not propose the burning of effigies, churches, synagogues, or mosques, and instead proposes a method of discussion about ethics and morality whose products could grow in merit with the passage of time. He recognizes that some people prefer to have others think for them, to just go along with some formal system. But he resists the idea that humanism needs to specify a detailed moral code.

He does say that the ethical debate depends on people having free will. This is important because there is scientific evidence suggesting that this is not actually the case. I suspect that there is another book in the making here, but he postpones the argument for another time and place.

Personally, I think humanism has a very large foundation in secular law and literature, and it is even possible that science can contribute something to it, in the sense that it may uncover some genetically hard-wired aspects to our ethics and morality. What humanism lacks, to me, is the woo factor, or what Grayling would call the “ineffability move.” The attraction of mystery has been skillfully manipulated by priests, theologians, writers and artists over the ages. Still, Grayling points out that certain kinds of secular events and ceremonies are as impressive as religious ones. Overall, Grayling writes very well and in detail about humanism and what it might do for us, making this part of the book as intriguing as, and a lot less difficult than, the first part.

The God Argument
By A.C. Grayling, Burberry Press, 2013

Review of Jonathan Haidt’s “The Righteous Mind”

I recently read Jonathan Haidt’s “The Righteous Mind – Why Good People are Divided by Politics and Religion”. Haidt is a social psychologist at the University of Virginia. He makes three major points about moral psychology. First, for people moral intuitions are primary, and reasoning is secondary; second, there’s more to morality than harm and fairness; and third, morality binds and blinds. He draws on much research to defend these positions. An interesting metaphor he develops is that human morality is a man riding an elephant; that is, our reasoning about moral matters is a very minor part of our moral judgment, which is mostly automatic. He provides evidence to show that political liberals in the USA are largely motivated by their feelings about care, liberty and fairness, while political conservatives add to these motivations those of sacredness, loyalty and authority. He points out research showing that liberals are a lot poorer at guessing how conservatives would respond to particular moral questions than conservatives are about guessing liberal positions. (The reason is that the typical conservative has a broader range of moral motivations than a typical liberal).

He discusses evidence that suggests that human morality is both genetic and cultural in origin, and that religion in particular is likely to have some genetic components, given that religion has been around for a very long time, probably since before the origin of agriculture. After all, agriculture has had demonstrable effects on the human genome, (think about some human populations to metabolize lactose as adults, others not). Haidt is a scientist and he accepts that humans, including their morality, are the product of evolution. He gives a lot of credit to E.O. Wilson (The Social Conquest of Earth, 2012) for his views on group selection, and he thinks that group selection has a lot to do with the evolution of morality. This has attracted a lot of fire from biologists, most of whom do not accept group selection as an important mechanism in evolution. However, I don’t think it is essential for Haidt’s overall argument that group selection (at the genetic level) needs to be included. It only needs to be proven that genes could be affected by cultural evolution, and that group selection occurs due to cultural reasons. This is not heavy lifting. Thus it seems to me that Haidt’s conclusions should be taken seriously. In essence he does not think that there is much hope that those on one side of our political divide could offer up a rational argument that could persuade those on the other. He does not offer up much by way of practical means of resolving political disputes, but he does build on the idea of trying to establish intuitive relationships based on personal interactions before trying to persuade people on the other side of the liberal-conservative political divide. He does not say this, but I expect he would agree that we should pay attention to Lincoln’s statement that “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”

Since writing this, I have also read A.C. Grayling’s “The God Argument” (Bloomsbury, 2013). I will review this book separately, but I would like to add a comment here, because Grayling indirectly answers Haidt’s idea that there is a strong genetic component to religious belief in humans. Grayling here agrees with Jerry Coyne, who, somewhere in his blog on Why Evolution is True, makes the point that most Western Europeans do quite nicely without religion these days. Grayling makes the even more telling point that the Chinese – a very substantial part of the human population by any standard – also do without religion. (Granted that there are some religious Chinese, the fruit of missionary activity, etc.). These observations suggest that the genetic basis of religion, even when saved by the strategy I mentioned above, is not a very strong one. This confirms the idea that religion is mostly a product of cultural evolution, and is either reversible or at least not an inevitable result of human social development.

Coalition Government? Don’t Hold Your Breath

After the House of Representatives signed the Fiscal Cliff deal approved by the Senate, the President commented that Republicans and Democrats can work together. Indeed. Under threat of a cataclysmic debacle perhaps.

The prospect of a coalition among moderate Republicans and Democrats in the House has some entertainment value. Most likely, however, the Republicans will try to re-instate their solid anti-Obama stance. They probably think they can hold the country hostage to the debt ceiling authorization, despite the President’s warning that he will not play that game again.

I wonder if the President is considering the following two options. First, a simple refusal to negotiate. The result of this would be clear – the US would default on its payments. Second, an emergency order to lift the debt ceiling, citing the 14th amendment to the Constitution. Either of these would be political hard ball of the first order. But each would force the Republicans to negotiate on substance and not threats.

Teetering on the Fiscal Cliff

I was trying to follow the news yesterday as the negotiations were going on between Biden and McConnell, but I soon found that I was looking at out of date stories. Things were happening so fast that the written press could not keep up.

As near as I can figure out, the Senate voted to keep my income tax rates unchanged, but my payroll taxes will go back up. We’ll see whether they do anything to cut back federal spending. Is this about right?

And why did this all have to happen on New Year’s Eve?

Which reminds me. The TV offerings last night were awful. Billy Joel in his 2008 concert? Who was that guy on NBC? Where is Walter Cronkite? At least one station could have played Die Fledermaus…

Investigate!

Once again there has been a mass shooting in America, this time in suburban Connecticut. As President Obama said, there have been too many. It is time to do something meaningful to discuss them, to find out what if anything can be done.

It is not out of line to ask for a Congressional investigation. We need to get a handle on all the circumstances that can lead to these horrible crimes. We do not know, really, how to prevent them and will never know if there is not a strongly motivated and bipartisan attempt to get at the facts. The general features of course are well known: the criminal is often a young male with poor social skills or psychological problems and access to guns. If not killed by police, the shooter usually commits suicide rather than …rather than what? I cannot remember any of them leaving a suicide note.

Here is a link to an article on some facts pertinent to the discussion. They don’t all point in the same direction! In the USA, states with gun control laws have fewer shootings than those that do not. While helpful, gun control does not guarantee safety. Connecticut does have a gun control law. Gun violence is on the decline in the USA, but mass shootings seem to have increased since 2007. The South is more violent than other regions of the country. This suggests that a rural, conservative culture is more likely to foster violent conduct. Again, these are statistical tendencies – Connecticut is neither rural nor conservative.

What Does Progress Look Like?

Progress means an improvement of society. A desire for progress means that one is not satisfied with the current state of affairs. What is that? Well, the chief executive officers of corporations currently are paid about 400 times what the average employee of their businesses is paid. Most people who pay income taxes pay a higher rate than those who are living off investment income, which is taxed at only 15%. Progress would narrow these discrepancies. Progress is to provide health insurance for upwards of 30 million people in this country, as specified in Obamacare. Progress includes eliminating the incentives for moving jobs to foreign countries and for parking funds in secret foreign accounts. Progress consists of eliminating the violation of the principle of separation of church and state, in which federal funds are given to religious organizations. Progress includes stopping the charter schools movement, which is sucking money out of the public school system without any measurable improvement in student achievement. Progress includes educating the public about science, about equitable treatment of minorities, about rational decision making in the public (and the private) domain, and about refraining from imposing private religious morality on the public. Progress, in other words, is common sense.

Driving with Data

As I was watching the election returns Tuesday night, early in the evening the monitors showed Romney with more electoral votes than Obama. The commentators on MSNBC paid not the slightest attention to this fact, even though it was prominently displayed. They spent the time discussing other matters. This situation persisted quite long into the evening. However, when the polls closed on the west coast, the results started to come in from there, and Obama’s tally rapidly mounted, as California, Oregon, Washington, and Nevada all came in for him. And then, suddenly Ohio was called for Obama, and it was clear that the President had won the election.

None of this surprised me. I knew that the President was going to win. Why? Because I had been reading the posts on Nate Silver’s blog on the New York Times website. Unlike Fox News, or MSNBC, which are openly biased media outlets for the right and the left respectively, Silver’s analysis is based on averaging of many polls, and thus is a very detailed and accurate representation of the intentions of the voters. Silver’s data have shown the President significantly ahead in the projected electoral vote for months. Even the rather startling perturbation caused by the results of the first debate between Romney and Obama did not reverse this. By the eve of the election, Silver was predicting that the President would win with 313 electoral votes.

Silver has been accurate since 2004 on every single national election.

I assumed that Romney and the Republicans also knew this. It turns out that I was giving them far too much credit. They were actually stunned by the fact of Obama’s victory. Romney had not even written a draft concession speech.

They actually thought they were going to win. Why? Because they have no respect for the principles of science. They discounted Silver’s analysis and chose to believe in only those polls that showed Romney in the lead, instead of taking into account all the available polling data, as Silver does.

I knew that the Republicans had contempt for science. They are a haven for creationists and climate change deniers. But it turns out that they also don’t believe in the science that is most sacred to Americans: statistics.

There is a far larger lesson in this than just the political calculus. The Republican Party is in denial about reality. They are trying to figure out why they lost, but they still don’t think that the main problem, their  disconnection from reality, has anything to do with their loss.

A Win for the People

I am a happy camper today. President Obama has been re-elected. He gave credit to a lot of people who worked hard on the campaign. The victory was the result of a well-planned effort to raise funds for advertising and for organizing. I found that after contributing a bit I got the chance to have my own fundraising page and try to get others to give money as well. And when the time came to stop sending money, there was another opportunity to make calls to help get out the vote in the battleground states of Ohio and Pennsylvania. That sense of participation in the campaign was so much more satsifying than just sending a check and voting. It is an experience I would recommend to anyone. As a resident in a non-battleground state, New York, I really welcomed the chance to spread the message to others in places where, in our system, it really matters.

I watched an interview on CNN today, with Mary Matalin, the conservative commentator. She said she was proud of Romney and she criticized the Obama campaign as being full of deceit and distortion. I was incredulous. The Romney campaign was entirely founded on lies (see one of my earlier blogs), and Romney wound up skidding away from everything he said to get the nomination when it came time to appeal to undecided voters. He got more than Obama did of these people, according to exit polls. The one thing I will grant to Romney is that he gave a decent concession speech. Other than that, his campaign was an avalanche of mendacity from beginning to end. That half the electorate – or nearly so – chose him defies any sense of reality as far as I can tell. We live in a truly deluded society, where people will vote against their own economic interests if somebody pulls the right levers of hate, religious bias and racial prejudice.

So I congratulate President Obama on a consistent, smart, and aggressive campaign. The country will be the better for it. Obamacare will now go into effect. The economy will recover. And, hopefully, the Republican Party will enter a period of soul-searching that will lead to a less bigoted, ignorant, and wrong-headed approach to government.

Why Republicans Should be Voted Out of Office

Normally conserving good practices is a good thing. Novelty for its own sake is a luxury at best, and counterproductive at worst. We require innovation only when there is a problem or an inefficiency or an injustice to deal with.

In practice however our society is heterogeneous, and conditions that are just fine for one part of society are poor for others. Marie Antoinette, when informed that people were rioting because they had no bread, supposedly said “Let them eat cake.” This is precisely the situation we find ourselves in, minus the pitchforks.

In our culture, economic inequality is extreme, and it is getting even more so. Those at the top are doing quite well indeed, but they fear they are losing their grip. The election of Obama was very alarming to these people. They applauded their political servants, such as Mitch McConnell, who pledged to do everything possible to make sure that Obama would serve only one term.

Now one of the greatest problems of our society is the medical care system. It is badly broken and everybody knows it. We spend more money for poorer health outcomes than any other industrialized country. Obama and the Democratic party in Congress, without the aid of a single Republican vote, passed a health care reform bill, which will go into full force in 2014. It will result in near-universal coverage of the population, and put in place systematic reforms to alter the goals of care from the current cover-your-butt plethora of excessive testing to an outcomes-rewarded scheme. It will save money and lives. This is a case where the status quo is harmful, and the Democratic alternative is a clear improvement.

It does not help when Romney, who invented some of the strategies in this plan when he was Governor of Massachusetts, builds his campaign on the promise to repeal this reform. Why has he abandoned his own plan? Because to get elected President he needed Republican support. Or not. It is impossible to tell what he actually thinks because he has adopted every position on this issue at one time or another. Now he is claiming that his plan will protect people from being denied insurance for pre-existing conditions. It actually does not, but that does not seem to keep him from claiming otherwise (see the comment on Romney Mendacity and the endorsement of Obama by the Times on this blog). How can anyone trust this man, who will say anything, and who is on record as having adopted every possible position on this matter?

Another big problem in our society is the military-industrial complex. Eisenhower, who was a general before becoming President, warned against a revolving-door relationship between industry and the military, but this relationship has evolved anyway. We now have a stupendous military, bigger than the next 15 countries combined. Our politics has become linked to the idea that this system should be expanded, if anything. This has led to the development, among Republicans, of the so-called neoconservative movement, which argued for wars of aggression. (Remember it was we who attacked Iraq, not the other way ’round). Aside from the fact that this war was prosecuted incompetently by both the Bush administration and by military brass, the notion of aggressive war is a grave departure from American ideals. It is really radical, not conservative. Romney and the Republicans want to return to this policy, this time with Iran as the target. Again, Romney is now saying that war with Iran would be a last resort. But the same people who pushed Bush to attack Iraq are advising Romney now. The man is unpredictable, but weak. He will almost certainly do what they say because he is inexperienced and irresponsible when it comes to foreign affairs. By contrast Obama has ended the war in Iraq, is ending the war in Afghanistan, and still is prosecuting a successful military operation to suppress the active Islamic extremist movement. In four years, he accomplished what Bush and the neoconservatives could not do in eight. Do we really want an utter naïf like Romney in charge if Israel attacks the nuclear processing facilities in Iran next Spring?

A really huge problem is the aging of our industrial base and the movement of capital and jobs abroad. There is no going back to the protectionism of the past, but we do not need to reward American companies for exporting jobs as current law allows. Obama has proposed straightforward reforms. The Republicans oppose this because it will limit profits by individuals and corporations who are exploiting the cheap labor markets in foreign countries like India and China.

Another big problem is the national debt. Our European allies have the same problem and they have pursued a policy of austerity to resolve it. The result is that they are on the brink of depression. In the US, thanks to Obama’s stimulus and tax relief for the middle class, our economy is growing faster than any European country. The Republicans would cut taxes in a way that would disproportionately benefit the wealthy, create pressure on deductions for the middle class, and pressure to increase, not decrease, the debt. Realizing his proposals were not selling, Romney has run away from them in his rhetoric, claiming to have been misunderstood. But he cannot escape the facts. We have him on record as proposing this enormous tax cut for the rich, without identifying anything he would cut in terms of expenditures, (apart from funding for Planned Parenthood and Public Broadcasting). A look at history shows that businessmen elected President have in general done very poorly when it comes to economic growth. The best rates of growth in the last hundred years have occurred under Democratic, not Republican administrations.

Another big problem in our society is right-wing religious extremism. People like Paul Ryan, Todd Akin, etc., are quite willing to impose their private religious convictions on the rest of us. They want to take away women’s rights. Obama is the conservative here, defending the liberties that women have fought and sometimes died to acquire. Also, Republicans are the natural haven of creationists and climate-change deniers, and if their austerity policies are put in place, there will be huge cuts in medical and scientific research sponsored by the Federal government. Again, this is radical. Obama is the conservative on this issue, seeking to preserve the powerful and beneficial role of the government in promoting the public good.

It is time for the wealthy in this country to share more of the cost of government, to help balance the books by restoring the tax structure left us by Bill Clinton (remember we were running a slight surplus when he left office). The Republicans are dragging their feet. They stand in the way of progress.

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